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There was a single link connecting all 9 murders, and that was the confession of a single informant which came after police interrogation without counsel.

The informant can only describe one of the murder scenes the Corbett family. The Daily News began slandering and gossiping on Monday, October 16, in the front page headline story by two white reporters.

From this story every major news item has proved to be unsubstantiated rumor or a lie. The story relates— a black gang on the verge of carrying off murders of white police, Chicago and suburban; the gang was strong in Chicago and 3,, strong nationwide; the gang supposedly originated in both Viet Nam and Germany with the bombing of white officers, and it was speculated that they are involved in several other murders across the nation.

The size of the gang was also rumor Inves- tigators said Tuesday they doubt Chicago De Mau Mau group was part of any national anti-white terrorist organization.

According to a couple of black veterans, De Mau Mau was a secret non-violent fraternity aimed at fighting racial discrimination. Unfortunately no black reporters nor any black people having leads into black veteran; a groups were called to check the veracity of the fantastic rumors until after the lies and rumors were front page.

Chicago Today's Monday story was also about a "murder gang. The Tribune reporters, while exploiting the racial aspects of the killing and the possible link with the murder of Kathleen Fiene adding to racial tensions in Gage Park , like other news gang members apparently pressed Elrod for more murders.

They quoted him as saying, "It would be purely speculative. The Sun-Times let everyone see for themselves, the suspects are all black young men, and without bothering to find out who and how many, associated them with Malcolm X College, Particularly the Daily News and the Chicago Today continued, throughout the week, to print lies, unfounded rumors and third and fourth-hand information, on the front page.

They showed no desire to inform the public of the truth but rather to convince the public that they had a good story. Here are examples of their incompetent reporting: 1.

We have the primary triggermen. The quote of primary triggermen is revealing as to the number of people the Chicago law thinks are in the gnag if it does exist and is contradictory to news-reporters 1 speculation.

Why weren't reporters motivated to clear up the contradiction? It was noted that the auto carrying the suspects had some of the same "unusual" ammunition used in two of the murders.

The Chicago Journalism Review points out that this ammunition is easily obtainable and therefore although different from domistic-made ammunition not very unusual.

In a manner worthy of mailicious over-the-fence gossip, though this time before millions, the Daily News graphically describes the "Inside Story of the Slaughter in Barrington Hills".

This front page story was given to reporters second-hand from un-named police sources — who got their information from an un-named informer, who later said in court that he had heard it from someone else.

This improbable account was somehow worthy of being front page information for Chicagoans. During the same week Chicago Today's editorial page pictured black soldiers invading the city, while the accompanying editorial ran — "Get these terrorists into custody before they kill more of us.

The guns which are a major piece of evidence have not been found, even through police claim a full confession. The guns are linked ballistically by the Chicago Crime Lab 2 , the same lab which concealed information in the Fred Hampton police raid.

When attacks did commence they were fast and brutal, as insurgents were easily able to identify loyalists because they were often local to those communities themselves.

The Lari massacre was by comparison rather outstanding and in contrast to regular Mau Mau strikes which more often than not targeted only loyalists without such massive civilian casualties.

The Mau Mau command, contrary to the Home Guard who were stigmatised as "the running dogs of British Imperialism", [87] were relatively well educated.

General Gatunga had previously been a respected and well read Christian teacher in his local Kikuyu community. He was known to meticulously record his attacks in a series of five notebooks, which when executed were often swift and strategic, targeting loyalist community leaders he had previously known as a teacher.

The Mau Mau military strategy was mainly guerrilla attacks launched under the cover of dark. They used stolen weapons such as guns, as well as weapons such as machetes and bows and arrows in their attacks.

In a few limited cases, they also deployed biological weapons. Women formed a core part of the Mau Mau, especially in maintaining supply lines.

Initially able to avoid the suspicion, they moved through colonial spaces and between Mau Mau hideouts and strongholds, to deliver vital supplies and services to guerrilla fighters including food, ammunition, medical care, and of course, information.

The British and international view was that Mau Mau was a savage, violent, and depraved tribal cult, an expression of unrestrained emotion rather than reason.

Mau Mau was "perverted tribalism" that sought to take the Kikuyu people back to "the bad old days" before British rule.

Not for the first time, [93] the British instead relied on the purported insights of the ethnopsychiatrist; with Mau Mau, it fell to Dr.

John Colin Carothers to perform the desired analysis. This ethnopsychiatric analysis guided British psychological warfare, which painted Mau Mau as "an irrational force of evil, dominated by bestial impulses and influenced by world communism", and the later official study of the uprising, the Corfield Report.

The psychological war became of critical importance to military and civilian leaders who tried to "emphasise that there was in effect a civil war, and that the struggle was not black versus white", attempting to isolate Mau Mau from the Kikuyu, and the Kikuyu from the rest of the colony's population and the world outside.

In driving a wedge between Mau Mau and the Kikuyu generally, these propaganda efforts essentially played no role, though they could apparently claim an important contribution to the isolation of Mau Mau from the non-Kikuyu sections of the population.

By the mids, the view of Mau Mau as simply irrational activists was being challenged by memoirs of former members and leaders that portrayed Mau Mau as an essential, if radical, component of African nationalism in Kenya and by academic studies that analysed the movement as a modern and nationalist response to the unfairness and oppression of colonial domination.

There continues to be vigorous debate within Kenyan society and among the academic community within and without Kenya regarding the nature of Mau Mau and its aims, as well as the response to and effects of the uprising.

Wunyabari O. Maloba regards the rise of the Mau Mau movement as "without doubt, one of the most important events in recent African history. This earlier work cast the Mau Mau war in strictly bipolar terms, "as conflicts between anti-colonial nationalists and colonial collaborators".

Broadly speaking, throughout Kikuyu history, there have been two traditions: moderate-conservative and radical. Bruce Berman argues that, "While Mau Mau was clearly not a tribal activism seeking a return to the past, the answer to the question of 'was it nationalism?

Philip Mitchell retired as Kenya's governor in summer , having turned a blind eye to Mau Mau's increasing activity. The British army accepted the gravity of the uprising months before the politicians, but its appeals to London and Nairobi were ignored.

Aside from military operations against Mau Mau fighters in the forests, the British attempt to defeat the movement broadly came in two stages: the first, relatively limited in scope, came during the period in which they had still failed to accept the seriousness of the revolt; the second came afterwards.

During the first stage, the British tried to decapitate the movement by declaring a State of Emergency before arresting alleged Mau Mau leaders see Operation Jock Scott below and subjecting six of them to a show trial the Kapenguria Six ; the second stage began in earnest in , when they undertook a series of major economic, military and penal initiatives.

The second stage had three main planks: a large military-sweep of Nairobi leading to the internment of tens of thousands of the city's suspected Mau Mau members and sympathisers see Operation Anvil below ; the enacting of major agrarian reform the Swynnerton Plan ; and the institution of a vast villagisation programme for more than a million rural Kikuyu see below.

In , the UK government accepted that prisoners had suffered "torture and ill-treatment at the hands of the colonial administration". The harshness of the British response was inflated by two factors.

First, the settler government in Kenya was, even before the insurgency, probably the most openly racist one in the British empire, with the settlers' violent prejudice attended by an uncompromising determination to retain their grip on power [] and half-submerged fears that, as a tiny minority, they could be overwhelmed by the indigenous population.

Resistance to both the Mau Mau and the British response was illustrated by Ciokaraine M'Barungu who famously asked that the British colonial forces not destroy the food used by her villagers, potentially starving the entire region.

Instead, she urged the colonial forces guard the yams and bananas and stop the Mau Mau from killing any more residents.

A variety of persuasive techniques were initiated by the colonial authorities to punish and break Mau Mau's support: Baring ordered punitive communal-labour, collective fines and other collective punishments, and further confiscation of land and property.

By early , tens of thousands of head of livestock had been taken, and were allegedly never returned. On 20 October , Governor Baring signed an order declaring a state of emergency.

Thus, while the moderates on the wanted list awaited capture, the real militants, such as Dedan Kimathi and Stanley Mathenge both later principal leaders of Mau Mau's forest armies , fled to the forests.

The day after the round up, another prominent loyalist chief, Nderi, was hacked to pieces, [] and a series of gruesome murders against settlers were committed throughout the months that followed.

For the next year, the Service's A. MacDonald would reorganise the Special Branch of the Kenya Police, promote collaboration with Special Branches in adjacent territories, and oversee coordination of all intelligence activity "to secure the intelligence Government requires".

In January , six of the most prominent detainees from Jock Scott, including Kenyatta, were put on trial , primarily to justify the declaration of the Emergency to critics in London.

Native Kenyan political activity was permitted to resume at the end of the military phase of the Emergency. The onset of the Emergency led hundreds, and eventually thousands, of Mau Mau adherents to flee to the forests, where a decentralised leadership had already begun setting up platoons.

By September , the British knew the leading personalities in Mau Mau, and the capture and 68 hour interrogation of General China on 15 January the following year provided a massive intelligence boost on the forest fighters.

Once gangs had been driven out and eliminated, loyalist forces and police were then to take over the area, with military support brought in thereafter only to conduct any required pacification operations.

After their successful dispersion and containment, Erskine went after the forest fighters' source of supplies, money and recruits, i. This took the form of Operation Anvil, which commenced on 24 April By , Nairobi was regarded as the nerve centre of Mau Mau operations.

All native Kenyans were taken to temporary barbed-wire enclosures, whereafter those who were not Kikuyu, Embu or Meru were released; those who were remained in detention for screening.

Whilst the operation itself was conducted by Europeans, most suspected members of Mau Mau were picked out of groups of the Kikuyu-Embu-Meru detainees by a native Kenyan informer.

Male suspects were then taken off for further screening, primarily at Langata Screening Camp, whilst women and children were readied for 'repatriation' to the reserves many of those slated for deportation had never set foot in the reserves before.

Anvil lasted for two weeks, after which the capital had been cleared of all but certifiably loyal Kikuyu; 20, Mau Mau suspects had been taken to Langata, and 30, more had been deported to the reserves.

For an extended period of time, the chief British weapon against the forest fighters was air power. Between June and October , the RAF provided a significant contribution to the conflict—and, indeed, had to, for the army was preoccupied with providing security in the reserves until January , and it was the only service capable of both psychologically influencing and inflicting considerable casualties on the Mau Mau fighters operating in the dense forests.

Lack of timely and accurate intelligence meant bombing was rather haphazard, but almost insurgents had been killed or wounded by air attacks by June , and it did cause forest gangs to disband, lower their morale, and induce their pronounced relocation from the forests to the reserves.

At first armed Harvard training aircraft were used, for direct ground support and also some camp interdiction. Some light aircraft of the Police Air Wing also provided support.

After the Lari massacre, for example, British planes dropped leaflets showing graphic pictures of the Kikuyu women and children who had been hacked to death.

Unlike the rather indiscriminate activities of British ground forces, the use of air power was more restrained though there is disagreement [] on this point , and air attacks were initially permitted only in the forests.

Operation Mushroom extended bombing beyond the forest limits in May , and Churchill consented to its continuation in January Baring knew the massive deportations to the already-overcrowded reserves could only make things worse.

Refusing to give more land to the Kikuyu in the reserves, which could have been seen as a concession to Mau Mau, Baring turned instead in to Roger Swynnerton, Kenya's assistant director of agriculture.

The projected costs of the Swynnerton Plan were too high for the cash-strapped colonial government, so Baring tweaked repatriation and augmented the Swynnerton Plan with plans for a massive expansion of the Pipeline coupled with a system of work camps to make use of detainee labour.

All Kikuyu employed for public works projects would now be employed on Swynnerton's poor-relief programmes, as would many detainees in the work camps.

When the mass deportations of Kikuyu to the reserves began in , Baring and Erskine ordered all Mau Mau suspects to be screened.

Of the scores of screening camps which sprang up, only fifteen were officially sanctioned by the colonial government. Larger detention camps were divided into compounds.

The screening centres were staffed by settlers who had been appointed temporary district-officers by Baring. Thomas Askwith, the official tasked with designing the British 'detention and rehabilitation' programme during the summer and autumn of , termed his system the Pipeline.

The Pipeline operated a white-grey-black classification system: 'whites' were cooperative detainees, and were repatriated back to the reserves; 'greys' had been oathed but were reasonably compliant, and were moved down the Pipeline to works camps in their local districts before release; and 'blacks' were the so-called 'hard core' of Mau Mau.

These were moved up the Pipeline to special detention camps. Thus a detainee's position in Pipeline was a straightforward reflection of how cooperative the Pipeline personnel deemed her or him to be.

Cooperation was itself defined in terms of a detainee's readiness to confess their Mau Mau oath. Detainees were screened and re-screened for confessions and intelligence, then re-classified accordingly.

A detainee's journey between two locations along the Pipeline could sometimes last days. During transit, there was frequently little or no food and water provided, and seldom any sanitation.

Once in camp, talking was forbidden outside the detainees' accommodation huts, though improvised communication was rife.

Such communication included propaganda and disinformation, which went by such names as the Kinongo Times , designed to encourage fellow detainees not to give up hope and so to minimise the number of those who confessed their oath and cooperated with camp authorities.

Forced labour was performed by detainees on projects like the thirty-seven-mile-long South Yatta irrigation furrow. During the first year after Operation Anvil, colonial authorities had little success in forcing detainees to cooperate.

Camps and compounds were overcrowded, forced-labour systems were not yet perfected, screening teams were not fully coordinated, and the use of torture was not yet systematised.

Officials could scarcely process them all, let alone get them to confess their oaths. Assessing the situation in the summer of , Alan Lennox-Boyd wrote of his "fear that the net figure of detainees may still be rising.

If so the outlook is grim. It was possible for detainees to bribe guards in order to obtain items or stay punishment. By late , however, the Pipeline had become a fully operational, well-organised system.

Guards were regularly shifted around the Pipeline too in order to prevent relationships developing with detainees and so undercut the black markets, and inducements and punishments became better at discouraging fraternising with the enemy.

Most detainees confessed, and the system produced ever greater numbers of spies and informers within the camps, while others switched sides in a more open, official fashion, leaving detention behind to take an active role in interrogations, even sometimes administering beatings.

The most famous example of side-switching was Peter Muigai Kenyatta—Jomo Kenyatta's son—who, after confessing, joined screeners at Athi River Camp, later travelling throughout the Pipeline to assist in interrogations.

While oathing, for practical reasons, within the Pipeline was reduced to an absolute minimum, as many new initiates as possible were oathed.

A newcomer who refused to take the oath often faced the same fate as a recalcitrant outside the camps: they were murdered. Commandants were told to clamp down hard on intra-camp oathing, with several commandants hanging anyone suspected of administering oaths.

Even as the Pipeline became more sophisticated, detainees still organised themselves within it, setting up committees and selecting leaders for their camps, as well as deciding on their own "rules to live by".

Perhaps the most famous compound leader was Josiah Mwangi Kariuki. Punishments for violating the "rules to live by" could be severe. European missionaries and native Kenyan Christians played their part by visiting camps to evangelise and encourage compliance with the colonial authorities, providing intelligence, and sometimes even assisting in interrogation.

Detainees regarded such preachers with nothing but contempt. The lack of decent sanitation in the camps meant that epidemics of diseases such as typhoid swept through them.

Official medical reports detailing the shortcomings of the camps and their recommendations were ignored, and the conditions being endured by detainees were lied about and denied.

While the Pipeline was primarily designed for adult males, a few thousand women and young girls were detained at an all-women camp at Kamiti, as well as a number of unaccompanied young children.

Dozens of babies [] were born to women in captivity: "We really do need these cloths for the children as it is impossible to keep them clean and tidy while dressed on dirty pieces of sacking and blanket", wrote one colonial officer.

There were originally two types of works camps envisioned by Baring: the first type were based in Kikuyu districts with the stated purpose of achieving the Swynnerton Plan; the second were punitive camps, designed for the 30, Mau Mau suspects who were deemed unfit to return to the reserves.

These forced-labour camps provided a much needed source of labour to continue the colony's infrastructure development.

Colonial officers also saw the second sort of works camps as a way of ensuring that any confession was legitimate and as a final opportunity to extract intelligence.

Probably the worst works camp to have been sent to was the one run out of Embakasi Prison, for Embakasi was responsible for the Embakasi Airport , the construction of which was demanded to be finished before the Emergency came to an end.

The airport was a massive project with an unquenchable thirst for labour, and the time pressures ensured the detainees' forced labour was especially hard.

If military operations in the forests and Operation Anvil were the first two phases of Mau Mau's defeat, Erskine expressed the need and his desire for a third and final phase: cut off all the militants' support in the reserves.

So it was that in June , the War Council took the decision to undertake a full-scale forced-resettlement programme of Kiambu, Nyeri, Murang'a and Embu Districts to cut off Mau Mau's supply lines.

While some of these villages were to protect loyalist Kikuyu, "most were little more than concentration camps to punish Mau Mau sympathizers.

He noted, however, that the British should have "no illusions about the future. Mau Mau has not been cured: it has been suppressed.

The thousands who have spent a long time in detention must have been embittered by it. Nationalism is still a very potent force and the African will pursue his aim by other means.

Kenya is in for a very tricky political future. The government's public relations officer, Granville Roberts, presented villagisation as a good opportunity for rehabilitation, particularly of women and children, but it was, in fact, first and foremost designed to break Mau Mau and protect loyalist Kikuyu, a fact reflected in the extremely limited resources made available to the Rehabilitation and Community Development Department.

The villages were surrounded by deep, spike-bottomed trenches and barbed wire, and the villagers themselves were watched over by members of the Home Guard, often neighbours and relatives.

In short, rewards or collective punishments such as curfews could be served much more readily after villagisation, and this quickly broke Mau Mau's passive wing.

The Red Cross helped mitigate the food shortages, but even they were told to prioritise loyalist areas. One of the colony's ministers blamed the "bad spots" in Central Province on the mothers of the children for "not realis[ing] the great importance of proteins", and one former missionary reported that it "was terribly pitiful how many of the children and the older Kikuyu were dying.

They were so emaciated and so very susceptible to any kind of disease that came along". The lack of food did not just affect the children, of course.

The Overseas Branch of the British Red Cross commented on the "women who, from progressive undernourishment, had been unable to carry on with their work".

Disease prevention was not helped by the colony's policy of returning sick detainees to receive treatment in the reserves, [] though the reserves' medical services were virtually non-existent, as Baring himself noted after a tour of some villages in June Kenyans were granted nearly [] all of the demands made by the KAU in The offer was that they would not face prosecution for previous offences, but may still be detained.

European settlers were appalled at the leniency of the offer. On 10 June with no response forthcoming, the offer of amnesty to the Mau Mau was revoked.

In June , a programme of land reform increased the land holdings of the Kikuyu. This was coupled with a relaxation of the ban on native Kenyans growing coffee, a primary cash crop.

In the cities the colonial authorities decided to dispel tensions by raising urban wages, thereby strengthening the hand of moderate union organisations like the KFRTU.

By , the British had granted direct election of native Kenyan members of the Legislative Assembly, followed shortly thereafter by an increase in the number of local seats to fourteen.

A Parliamentary conference in January indicated that the British would accept "one person—one vote" majority rule. The number of deaths attributable to the Emergency is disputed.

David Anderson estimates 25, [18] people died; British demographer John Blacker's estimate is 50, deaths—half of them children aged ten or below.

He attributes this death toll mostly to increased malnutrition, starvation and disease from wartime conditions.

Caroline Elkins says "tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands" died. His study dealt directly with Elkins' claim that "somewhere between , and , Kikuyu are unaccounted for" at the census, [] and was read by both David Anderson and John Lonsdale prior to publication.

The British possibly killed more than 20, Mau Mau militants, [4] but in some ways more notable is the smaller number of Mau Mau suspects dealt with by capital punishment: by the end of the Emergency, the total was 1, At no other time or place in the British empire was capital punishment dispensed so liberally—the total is more than double the number executed by the French in Algeria.

Author Wangari Maathai indicates that more than one hundred thousand Africans, mostly Kikuyus, may have died in the fortified villages.

Officially 1, Native Kenyans were killed by the Mau Mau. David Anderson believes this to be an undercount and cites a higher figure of 5, killed by the Mau Mau.

War crimes have been broadly defined by the Nuremberg principles as "violations of the laws or customs of war ", which includes massacres , bombings of civilian targets, terrorism , mutilation , torture , and murder of detainees and prisoners of war.

Additional common crimes include theft , arson , and the destruction of property not warranted by military necessity. David Anderson's says the rebellion was "a story of atrocity and excess on both sides, a dirty war from which no one emerged with much pride, and certainly no glory.

One settler's description of British interrogation. The British authorities suspended civil liberties in Kenya. Many Kikuyu were forced to move.

Between , and , of them were interned. Most of the rest — more than a million — were held in "enclosed villages" also known as concentration camps.

Although some were Mau Mau guerrillas, most were victims of collective punishment that colonial authorities imposed on large areas of the country.

Hundreds of thousands were beaten or sexually assaulted to extract information about the Mau Mau threat. Later, prisoners suffered even worse mistreatment in an attempt to force them to renounce their allegiance to the insurgency and to obey commands.

Prisoners were questioned with the help of "slicing off ears, boring holes in eardrums, flogging until death, pouring paraffin over suspects who were then set alight, and burning eardrums with lit cigarettes".

Castration by British troops and denying access to medical aid to the detainees were also widespread and common.

According to his widow, British soldiers forced pins into his fingernails and buttocks and squeezed his testicles between metal rods and two others were castrated.

The historian Robert Edgerton describes the methods used during the emergency: "If a question was not answered to the interrogator's satisfaction, the subject was beaten and kicked.

If that did not lead to the desired confession, and it rarely did, more force was applied. Electric shock was widely used, and so was fire.

Women were choked and held under water; gun barrels, beer bottles, and even knives were thrust into their vaginas.

Men had beer bottles thrust up their rectums, were dragged behind Land Rovers, whipped, burned and bayoneted Some police officers did not bother with more time-consuming forms of torture; they simply shot any suspect who refused to answer, then told the next suspect, to dig his own grave.

When the grave was finished, the man was asked if he would now be willing to talk. In June , Eric Griffith-Jones , the attorney general of the British administration in Kenya, wrote to the Governor , Sir Evelyn Baring , detailing the way the regime of abuse at the colony's detention camps was being subtly altered.

He said that the mistreatment of the detainees is "distressingly reminiscent of conditions in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia ". Despite this, he said that in order for abuse to remain legal, Mau Mau suspects must be beaten mainly on their upper body, "vulnerable parts of the body should not be struck, particularly the spleen, liver or kidneys", and it was important that "those who administer violence He also reminded the governor that "If we are going to sin", he wrote, "we must sin quietly.

Author Wangari Maathai indicates that in , three out of every four Kikuyu men were in detention, and that land was taken from detainees and given to collaborators.

Detainees were pushed into forced labor. Maathai also notes that the Home Guard were especially known to rape women. The Home Guard's reputation for cruelty in the form of terror and intimidation was well known, whereas the Mau Mau soldiers were initially respectful of women.

Members of the 5th KAR B Company entered the Chuka area on 13 June , to flush out rebels suspected of hiding in the nearby forests.

Over the next few days, the regiment had captured and executed 20 people suspected of being Mau Mau fighters for unknown reasons.

The people executed belonged to the Kikuyu Home Guard — a loyalist militia recruited by the British to fight the guerrillas.

Nobody ever stood trial for the massacre. The Hola massacre was an incident during the conflict in Kenya against British colonial rule at a colonial detention camp in Hola, Kenya.

By January , the camp had a population of detainees, of whom were held in a secluded "closed camp". This more remote camp near Garissa , eastern Kenya, was reserved for the most uncooperative of the detainees.

They often refused, even when threats of force were made, to join in the colonial "rehabilitation process" or perform manual labour or obey colonial orders.

The camp commandant outlined a plan that would force 88 of the detainees to bend to work. On 3 March , the camp commandant put this plan into action — as a result, 11 detainees were clubbed to death by guards.

Mau Mau militants were guilty of numerous war crimes. The most notorious was their attack on the settlement of Lari , on the night of 25—26 March , in which they herded men, women and children into huts and set fire to them, hacking down with machetes anyone who attempted escape, before throwing them back into the burning huts.

If I see one now I shall shoot with the greatest eagerness ' ", [] and it "even shocked many Mau Mau supporters, some of whom would subsequently try to excuse the attack as 'a mistake ' ".

A retaliatory massacre was immediately perpetrated by Kenyan security forces who were partially overseen by British commanders. Official estimates place the death toll from the first Lari massacre at 74, and the second at , though neither of these figures account for those who 'disappeared'.

Whatever the actual number of victims, "[t]he grim truth was that, for every person who died in Lari's first massacre, at least two more were killed in retaliation in the second.

Aside from the Lari massacres, Kikuyu were also tortured, mutilated and murdered by Mau Mau on many other occasions. The best known European victim was Michael Ruck, aged six, who was hacked to death with pangas along with his parents, Roger and Esme, and one of the Rucks' farm workers, Muthura Nagahu, who had tried to help the family.

In , the poisonous latex of the African milk bush was used by members of Mau Mau to kill cattle in an incident of biological warfare.

Although Mau Mau was effectively crushed by the end of , it was not until the First Lancaster House Conference , in January , that native Kenyan majority rule was established and the period of colonial transition to independence initiated.

There is continuing debate about Mau Mau's and the rebellion's effects on decolonisation and on Kenya after independence.

Regarding decolonisation, the most common view is that Kenya's independence came about as a result of the British government's deciding that a continuance of colonial rule would entail a greater use of force than that which the British public would tolerate.

It has been argued that the conflict helped set the stage for Kenyan independence in December , [] or at least secured the prospect of Black-majority rule once the British left.

On 12 September , the British government unveiled a Mau Mau memorial statue in Nairobi's Uhuru Park that it had funded "as a symbol of reconciliation between the British government, the Mau Mau, and all those who suffered".

This followed a June decision by Britain to compensate more than 5, Kenyans it tortured and abused during the Mau Mau insurgency.

Once the ban was removed, former Mau Mau members who had been castrated or otherwise tortured were supported by the Kenya Human Rights Commission, in particular by the Commission's George Morara, in their attempt to take on the British government; [] [] their lawyers had amassed 6, depositions regarding human rights abuses by late Ben Macintyre of The Times said of the legal case: "Opponents of these proceedings have pointed out, rightly, that the Mau Mau was a brutal terrorist force, guilty of the most dreadful atrocities.

Yet only one of the claimants is of that stamp—Mr Nzili. He has admitted taking the Mau Mau oath and said that all he did was to ferry food to the fighters in the forest.

None has been accused, let alone convicted, of any crime. Upon publication of Caroline Elkins' Imperial Reckoning in , Kenya called for an apology from the UK for atrocities committed during the s.

In July , "George Morara strode down the corridor and into a crowded little room [in Nairobi] where 30 elderly Kenyans sat hunched together around a table clutching cups of hot tea and sharing plates of biscuits.

It may well be thought strange, or perhaps even dishonourable, that a legal system which will not in any circumstances admit into its proceedings evidence obtained by torture should yet refuse to entertain a claim against the Government in its own jurisdiction for that Government's allegedly negligent failure to prevent torture which it had the means to prevent.

Furthermore, resort to technicality. Though the arguments against reopening very old wounds are seductive, they fail morally. There are living claimants and it most certainly was not their fault that the documentary evidence that seems to support their claims was for so long 'lost' in the governmental filing system.

During the course of the Mau Mau legal battle in London, a large amount of what was stated to be formerly lost Foreign Office archival material was finally brought to light, while yet more was discovered to be missing.

Regarding the Mau Mau Uprising, the records included confirmation of "the extent of the violence inflicted on suspected Mau Mau rebels" [] in British detention camps documented in Caroline Elkins' study.

Commenting on the papers, David Anderson stated that the "documents were hidden away to protect the guilty", [] and "that the extent of abuse now being revealed is truly disturbing".

Allegations about beatings and violence were widespread. Basically you could get away with murder. It was systematic", Anderson said.

Bennett said that "the British Army retained ultimate operational control over all security forces throughout the Emergency", and that its military intelligence operation worked "hand in glove" with the Kenyan Special Branch "including in screening and interrogations in centres and detention camps".

The Kenyan government sent a letter to Hague insisting that the UK government was legally liable for the atrocities. It is time that the mockery of justice that was perpetrated in this country at that time, should be, must be righted.

I feel ashamed to have come from a Britain that did what it did here [in Kenya]. Thirteen boxes of "top secret" Kenya files are still missing.

On 6 June , the foreign secretary, William Hague, told parliament that the UK government had reached a settlement with the claimants.

The Government will also support the construction of a memorial in Nairobi to the victims of torture and ill-treatment during the colonial era.

It is often argued that Mau Mau was suppressed as a subject for public discussion in Kenya during the periods under Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi because of the key positions and influential presence of some loyalists in government, business and other elite sectors of Kenyan society post Members of Mau Mau are currently recognised by the Kenyan Government as freedom-independence heroes and heroines who sacrificed their lives in order to free Kenyans from colonial rule.

This official celebration of Mau Mau is in marked contrast to a post-colonial norm of Kenyan governments rejection of the Mau Mau as a symbol of national liberation.

It was also the name of another militant group that sprang up briefly in the spring of ; the group was broken up during a brief operation from 26 March to 30 April.

Contract labourers are those who sign a contract of service before a magistrate, for periods varying from three to twelve months.

Casual labourers leave their reserves to engage themselves to European employers for any period from one day upwards. The phenomenon of squatters arose in response to the complementary difficulties of Europeans in finding labourers and of Africans in gaining access to arable and grazing land.

The alleged member or sympathiser of Mau Mau would be interrogated in order to obtain an admission of guilt—specifically, a confession that they had taken the Mau Mau oath—as well as for intelligence.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the conflict in Kenya. For other uses, see Mau Mau disambiguation. Kenyan insurgency, — Date — Location British Kenya.

Mau Mau Uprising. The principal item in the natural resources of Kenya is the land, and in this term we include the colony's mineral resources.

It seems to us that our major objective must clearly be the preservation and the wise use of this most important asset. You may travel through the length and breadth of Kitui Reserve and you will fail to find in it any enterprise, building, or structure of any sort which Government has provided at the cost of more than a few sovereigns for the direct benefit of the natives.

The place was little better than a wilderness when I first knew it 25 years ago, and it remains a wilderness to-day as far as our efforts are concerned.

If we left that district to-morrow the only permanent evidence of our occupation would be the buildings we have erected for the use of our tax-collecting staff.

The greater part of the wealth of the country is at present in our hands. This land we have made is our land by right—by right of achievement.

It is often assumed that in a conflict there are two sides in opposition to one another, and that a person who is not actively committed to one side must be supporting the other.

During the course of a conflict, leaders on both sides will use this argument to gain active support from the "crowd". In reality, conflicts involving more than two persons usually have more than two sides, and if a resistance movement is to be successful, propaganda and politicization are essential.

Between and , when the fighting was at its worst, the Kikuyu districts of Kenya became a police state in the very fullest sense of that term.

Our sources have produced nothing to indicate that Kenyatta, or his associates in the UK, are directly involved in Mau Mau activities, or that Kenyatta is essential to Mau Mau as a leader, or that he is in a position to direct its activities.

Main article: Swynnerton Plan. It would be difficult to argue that the colonial government envisioned its own version of a gulag when the Emergency first started.

Colonial officials in Kenya and Britain all believed that Mau Mau would be over in less than three months.

One courageous judge in Nairobi explicitly drew the parallel: Kenya's Belsen, he called one camp. In a half-circle against the reed walls of the enclosure stand eight young, African women.

There's neither hate nor apprehension in their gaze. It's like a talk in the headmistress's study; a headmistress who is firm but kindly.

The number of cases of pulmonary tuberculosis which is being disclosed in Prison and Detention Camps is causing some embarrassment. Short rations, overwork, brutality, humiliating and disgusting treatment and flogging—all in violation of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

At the end of , the Administration were faced with the serious problem of the concealment of terrorists and supply of food to them. This was widespread and, owing to the scattered nature of the homesteads, fear of detection was negligible; so, in the first instance, the inhabitants of those areas were made to build and live in concentrated villages.

This first step had to be taken speedily, somewhat to the detriment of usual health measures and was definitely a punitive short-term measure. Whilst they [the Kikuyu] could not be expected to take kindly at first to a departure from their traditional way of life, such as living in villages, they need and desire to be told just what to do.

From the health point of view, I regard villagisation as being exceedingly dangerous and we are already starting to reap the benefits.

We knew the slow method of torture [at the Mau Mau Investigation Center] was worse than anything we could do. Special Branch there had a way of slowly electrocuting a Kuke—they'd rough up one for days.

Once I went personally to drop off one gang member who needed special treatment. I stayed for a few hours to help the boys out, softening him up.

Things got a little out of hand. By the time I cut his balls off, he had no ears, and his eyeball, the right one, I think, was hanging out of its socket.

Too bad, he died before we got much out of him. See also: British war crimes. Bottles often broken , gun barrels, knives, snakes, vermin, and hot eggs were thrust up men's rectums and women's vaginas.

The screening teams whipped, shot, burned and mutilated Mau Mau suspects, ostensibly to gather intelligence for military operations and as court evidence.

Mau Mau fighters,. The horrors they practiced included the following: decapitation and general mutilation of civilians, torture before murder, bodies bound up in sacks and dropped in wells, burning the victims alive, gouging out of eyes, splitting open the stomachs of pregnant women.

No war can justify such gruesome actions. In man's inhumanity to man, there is no race distinction. The Africans were practicing it on themselves.

There was no reason and no restraint on both sides. Main article: Lari massacre. If we are going to sin, we must sin quietly. Main article: Foreign and Commonwealth Office migrated archives.

Main criticism we shall have to meet is that 'Cowan plan' [] which was approved by Government contained instructions which in effect authorised unlawful use of violence against detainees.

Partisan questions about the Mau Mau war have. How historically necessary was Mau Mau? Did its secretive violence alone have the power to destroy white supremacy?

Did Mau Mau aim at freedom for all Kenyans? Has the self-sacrificial victory of the poor been unjustly forgotten, and appropriated by the rich?

We are determined to have independence in peace, and we shall not allow hooligans to rule Kenya. We must have no hatred towards one another.

Mau Mau was a disease which had been eradicated, and must never be remembered again. Retrieved 8 March Retrieved 12 February BBC News. Retrieved 23 July Unbowed: a memoir.

Alfred A. The investigations of the Kenya Land Commission of — are a case study in such lack of foresight, for the findings and recommendations of this commission, particularly those regarding the claims of the Kikuyu of Kiambu, would serve to exacerbate other grievances and nurture the seeds of a growing African nationalism in Kenya".

Retrieved 11 April Francis Hall, an officer in the Imperial British East Africa Company and after whom Fort Hall was named, asserted: "There is only one way to improve the Wakikuyu [and] that is wipe them out; I should be only too delighted to do so, but we have to depend on them for food supplies.

Naked spearmen fall in swathes before machine-guns, without inflicting a single casualty in return. Meanwhile the troops burn all the huts and collect all the live stock within reach.

Resistance once at an end, the leaders of the rebellion are surrendered for imprisonment.

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Mau mau herues de puro corazon Allegations about beatings and violence were widespread. Curtis, Mark There were originally two types of works camps envisioned St Pauli Gegen Baring: the first type were based in Kikuyu districts with the stated purpose of achieving the Swynnerton Plan; the second were punitive camps, designed for the 30, Mau Mau Aral Online who were deemed unfit to return to the reserves. See what's new with book lending at the Internet Archive. These vets, once home, united with other Black sisters and brothers, and focused attention on the problem Uk Betting Online unemployment of Black veterans. For Rock Paper Scissors Game Theory uses, see Mau Mau disambiguation. Basically you could Makina Games away with murder. Man Hunt in Kenya. This more remote camp near Garissaeastern Kenya, was reserved for the most uncooperative of the detainees. See Article History. De Mau Mau

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